Antiquities of the Jews — Book 15, Chapter 6

1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be
easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that
would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the
battle of Actium by Cæsar [Octavian]; for at that time both Herod's
enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable
that he would remain without punishment, who had showed so much
friendship for Antony. So it happened that his friends despaired, and
had no hopes of his escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly
appeared to be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it,
as hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod himself he saw
that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore
he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer him to be an
obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he himself survived,
and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it the safest way to put it
out of the power of such a man to make any attempt against him, at such
junctures of affairs, as was more worthy of the kingdom than himself;
and in case he should be slain by Cæsar, his envy prompted him to desire
to slay him that would otherwise be king after him.

2. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain
occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then
and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs,
nor to concern himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and
contented himself with what that afforded him: but Alexandra [his
daughter] was a lover of strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change
of the government, and spake to her father not to bear for ever Herod's
injurious treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future
hopes, as he safely might; and desired him to write about these matters
to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to
secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod's
affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of
Cæsar's enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could
take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they
were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude to
them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but
as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and
would not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to
him about these matters, and about Herod's treacherous designs, she at
last prevailed with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a
letter, wherein his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian
governor to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and
conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of
Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust Dositheus
with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and on
Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he
was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those
that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives
induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the
hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave
Herod the letter. So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him
besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by
rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to
Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for it would
be much better if he could know Malchus's intentions also. And when
Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian
governor returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and
all that should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his
party; that he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in
their journey; and that he should be in no want of any thing he should
desire. Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately
sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with
Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim,
and put the man to death immediately.

3. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the
commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them,
for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an
occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by treacherously laying
a snare for him; for thus do they write: That Herod and he were once at
a treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was
displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had
received any letters from Malchus? and when he answered that he had
received letters, but those of salutation only; and when he asked
further, whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he
had replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on,
which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged these upon
him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that he should
be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate that he had been
guilty of no offense, when he was thus brought to his end, they alleged
how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never
given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was
the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the
management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater; and that
he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod's government
was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who
greatly honored him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely
under Herod's government; and that it was a most incredible thing that
he should enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all
agreeable to his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod's
contrivance.

4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life,
after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his
lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the
beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held the government nine
years; and when, after his mother's death, he took the kingdom himself,
and held it three months, he lost it, by the means of his brother
Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of
honor from him, and enjoyed them forty years; but when he was again
deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive
by the Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on
account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came to
pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted with many
misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and, what was the
heaviest calamity of all, as we have related already, he came to an end
which was undeserved by him. His character appeared to be that of a man
of a mild and moderate disposition, and suffered the administration of
affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was averse to much
meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom.
And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of his
mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them as was not
agreeable either to justice or piety.

5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made haste
to Cæsar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him,
on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of
Alexandra, lest she should take this opportunity to bring the multitude
to a revolt, and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom;
so he committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and
placed his mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family
at Masada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news
about him, he should take care of the government. But as to Mariamne his
wife, because of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and
his sister's mother, which made it impossible for them to live together,
he placed her at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his
treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress.
These two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now
left as a guard to the women. They also had it in charge, that if they
should hear any mischief had befallen him, they should kill them both,
and, as far as they were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and
for his brother Pheroras.

6. When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet
Cæsar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but
remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And when, upon his meeting
him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited
a much more noble specimen of a great soul; for he did not betake
himself to supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor
offered him any petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an
undaunted manner, gave an account of what he had done; for he spake thus
to Cæsar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every
thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not
indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but
that he had sent him both money and corn, which was but too little in
comparison of what he ought to have done for him; "for if a man owns
himself to be another's friend, and knows him to be a benefactor, he is
obliged to hazard every thing, to use every faculty of his soul, every
member of his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I
confess I have been too deficient. However, I am conscious to myself,
that so far I have done right, that I have not deserted him upon his
defeat at Actium; nor upon the evident change of his fortune have I
transferred my hopes from him to another, but have preserved myself,
though not as a valuable fellow soldier, yet certainly as a faithful
counselor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way that
he had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority, was to slay
Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would be room for him to
retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a composition
with him, than to continue at enmity any longer. None of which advises
would he attend to, but preferred his own rash resolution before them,
which have happened unprofitably for him, but profitably for thee. Now,
therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving
Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to
deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that publicly
too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put him out
of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors in
general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that
we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the
names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will
not be disapproved by thee."

7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Cæsar the frankness
of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous
and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the
foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Cæsar's good-
will. Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him
to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to
Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that
Quintus Didius had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted
him in the affair of the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind
reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more
entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Cæsar's donation, as
well as by that decree of the Romans, which Cæsar took care to procure
for his greater security, he conducted Cæsar on his way to Egypt, and
made presents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and
in general behaved himself with great magnanimity. He also desired that
Cæsar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of
Antony; but Cæsar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not
obtain that his petition. And now he returned to Judea again with
greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had
expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers
greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared
for the reception of Cæsar, as he was going out of Syria to invade
Egypt; and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal
magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them
provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Cæsar's most
cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Cæsar,
and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a
rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his
friends. He also provided them with what they should want, as they
passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor
water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and
besides, he presented Cæsar with eight hundred talents, and procured to
himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a
much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained
could afford; by which means he more and more demonstrated to Cæsar the
firmness of his friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what
was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that his liberality came
at a seasonable time also. And when they returned again out of Egypt,
his assistances were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly
done them.